Lecture 7
Lectio 7
Caiaphas’ prophecy
Prophetia Caiphae
11:45 Many of the Jews, who had come to Mary and Martha, and had seen the things that Jesus did, believed in him. [n. 1564]
11:45 Multi ergo ex Iudaeis, qui venerant ad Mariam et Martham, et viderant quae fecit Iesus, crediderunt in eum. [n. 1564]
11:46 But some of them went to the Pharisees and told them the things that Jesus had done. [n. 1565]
11:46 Quidam autem ex ipsis abierunt ad Pharisaeos, et dixerunt eis quae fecit Iesus. [n. 1565]
11:47 The chief priests and the Pharisees gathered a council, and said: what do we do, for this man does many miracles? [n. 1567]
11:47 Collegerunt ergo Pontifices et Pharisaei concilium, et dicebant: quid facimus, quia hic homo multa signa facit? [n. 1567]
11:48 If we let him alone so, all will believe in him, and the Romans will come and take away our place and nation. [n. 1570]
11:48 Si dimittimus eum sic, omnes credent in eum: et venient Romani, et tollent nostrum locum, et gentem. [n. 1570]
11:49 But one of them, named Caiaphas, being the high priest that year, said to them: you do not know anything. [n. 1574]
11:49 Unus autem ex ipsis Caiphas nomine, cum esset Pontifex anni illius, dixit eis: vos nescitis quidquam, [n. 1574]
11:50 Neither do you consider that it is expedient for you that one man should die for the people and that the whole nation should not perish. [n. 1575]
11:50 nec cogitatis, quia expedit vobis ut unus moriatur homo pro populo, et non tota gens pereat. [n. 1575]
11:51 And this he did not speak from himself, but being the high priest of that year, he prophesied that Jesus should die for the nation. [n. 1577]
11:51 Hoc autem a semetipso non dixit; sed cum esset Pontifex anni illius, prophetavit, quia Iesus moriturus erat pro gente: [n. 1577]
11:52 And not only for the nation, but for the sons of God, who were dispersed, that they be gathered together into one. [n. 1580]
11:52 et non tantum pro gente, sed ut filios Dei qui erant dispersi, congregaret in unum. [n. 1580]
11:53 From that day forward they devised to put him to death. [n. 1581]
11:53 Ab illo ergo die cogitaverunt ut interficerent eum. [n. 1581]
1563. After describing the death and resurrection of Lazarus, the Evangelist now sets forth the effect of his resurrection.
1563. Postquam Evangelista posuit Lazari mortem et eius resurrectionem, hic consequenter ponit effectum resurrectionis, et
First, its effect on the people;
primo ponit effectum eius in turba;
second, its effect on their leaders, at the chief priests and the Pharisees gathered a council.
secundo ponit effectum eius in principibus, ibi collegerunt ergo pontifices et Pharisaei concilium.
1564. He does two things concerning the first. First, he says that certain ones among them believed, at many of the Jews, who had come to Mary and Martha to console them, and had seen the things that Jesus did, believed in him. And no wonder, because of such a miracle nothing had not been heard from the beginning of time, that is, that one dead four days in the tomb should be raised to life. Also, our Lord had said that he would perform this miracle for those standing by, so that they might believe in him. And so his words were not empty, but many believed because of the miracle they saw: Jews demand signs (1 Cor 1:22).
1564. Circa primum duo facit. Primo inducit quosdam credentes, dicens multi ergo ex Iudaeis qui venerant ad Mariam et Martham, ad eas consolandas, et viderant quae fecit Iesus, crediderunt in eum. Nec mirum, quia tale miraculum non est auditum a saeculo, quod scilicet mortuus quatriduanus in monumento resuscitaretur ad vitam. Similiter etiam Dominus dicit, miraculum istud se facturum propter populum qui circumstabat, ut scilicet credant in eum: et ideo verbum istud non ivit incassum, sed ex miraculo viso multi crediderunt. I Cor. c. I, 22: Iudaei signa quaerunt.
1565. Second, he mentions that some were spreading news of the miracle, saying, but some of them went to the Pharisees and told them the things that Jesus had done. This can be understood in two ways. In one way, they told the chief priests what Jesus had done in order to soften them towards Christ and to reproach them for conspiring against Jesus, who had worked such marvels.
1565. Secundo inducit quosdam denuntiantes, dicens quidam autem ex ipsis venerunt ad Pharisaeos etc. Quod quidem potest dupliciter intelligi. Uno modo quod dixerunt ea quae Iesus fecit principibus sacerdotum, ut mitigarent eos adversus Iesum, et ut confutarent eos de hoc quod adversus Iesum, qui tam mira faciebat, machinarentur.
In another way, and this is better, they told them these things in order to incite them against Christ: for they were unbelievers and were scandalized at the miracle. This is clear from the way the Evangelist describes it, for after saying that many of the Jews . . . believed in him, he adds in contrast, but some of them went to the Pharisees. These are the ones of whom we read: whereas he done so many miracles before them, they believed not in him . . . for they loved the glory of men more than the glory of God (John 12:37, 43).
Alio modo, et melius, quia hoc dixerunt ut concitarent eos contra Christum. Nam infideles erant, et de miraculo scandalizabantur. Et hoc patet ex ipso modo loquendi. Nam cum dixerat multi ergo ex Iudaeis . . . crediderunt in eum. Subiungit quasi adversantem, dicens quidam autem ex ipsis abierunt ad Pharisaeos etc. Hi sunt de quibus dicitur infra XII, 37, quod cum tanta signa fecisset Iesus coram eis, non crediderunt in eum . . . dilexerunt enim gloriam hominum magis quam gloriam Dei.
1566. Next, at the chief priests and the Pharisees gathered a council, the Evangelist mentions the effect of the miracle on the leaders.
1566. Consequenter cum dicit collegerunt ergo pontifices et Pharisaei Concilium, ponit Evangelista effectum miraculi in principibus, et
First, we have their evil conspiracy against Christ;
primo ponit malitiam quam contra Christum excogitaverunt;
second, we see how Christ escaped it, at after this Jesus did not walk openly among the Jews (John 11:54).
secundo ostendit quomodo Christus eam declinavit, ibi Iesus ergo iam non in palam ambulabat apud Iudaeos.
He does three things concerning the first.
Circa primum tria facit.
First, he mentions the gathering of the council;
Primo ponit Concilii congregationem;
second, the problem that confronted them, at and said: what do we do, for this man does many miracles?
secundo subdit congregatorum dubitationem, ibi et dicebant: quid facimus, quia hic homo multa signa facit?
third, their solution of this problem, at but one of them.
Tertio assignat dubitationis determinationem, ibi unus autem ex ipsis etc.
1567. In regard to the first, three things are mentioned about the wickedness of the chief priests. First of all, their status: for they were not the common people, but the chief priests and the Pharisees. Chief priests, because they were in charge of sacred matters; and they were Pharisees because they had the appearance of religion. Thus was fulfilled what was stated in Genesis: Simeon and Levi are brothers; weapons of violence are their swords (Gen 49:5): for the founders of the sect of the Pharisees were descended from Simeon, and the chief priests were clearly from the tribe of Levi. And the hand of the princes and magistrates has been first in this transgression (Ezra 9:2).
1567. Ostenditur autem circa primum pontificum nequitia ex tribus. Primo ex personarum conditione, quia non plebei, sed pontifices et Pharisaei. Pontifices autem, quia erant principes sacrorum; Pharisaei vero, quia speciem religionis habebant, ut sic impleatur quod dicitur Gen. penult., 5: Simeon et Levi fratres, vasa bellantia iniquitatis. Nam de Simeone fuerunt adinventores sectae Pharisaeorum. Pontifices autem manifestum est de tribu Levi fuisse; I Esd. IX, 1: manus principum prima erat in transgressione hac.
Second, we see that their wickedness was deliberate; thus he says, gathered council: O my soul, come not into their council (Gen 49:6); blessed is the man who walks not in the counsel of the wicked (Ps 1:1). But we also read: no counsel can avail against the Lord (Prov 21:30).
Secundo ex malitiae deliberatione; unde dicit collegerunt Concilium, quod est factum ad consiliandum; Gen. penult., 6: in consilium eorum non veniat anima mea; Ps. I, 1: beatus vir qui non abiit in consilio impiorum etc. Sed, ut dicitur Prov. XXI, 30: non est consilium contra Dominum.
Third, we see their evil intention, because it was against Jesus, i.e., the savior: all who hate me whisper together about me; they imagine the worst for me (Ps 41:7); come, let us make plots against Jeremiah (Jer 18:18).
Tertio ex prava intentione, quia adversus Iesum, idest salvatorem; Ps. XL, 8: adversum me loquebantur inimici mei, adversum me cogitabant mala mihi; Ier. XVIII, 18: venite, cogitemus contra Ieremiam cogitationes.
1568. Now, at what do we do, for this man does many miracles? he mentions their problem:
1568. Consequenter cum dicit quid facimus, quia hic homo multa signa facit? Ponit ipsorum dubitationem, et
first, he gives the reason for this problem;
primo ponit dubitationis motivum;
second, the core of the problem: if we let him alone so, all will believe in him.
secundo dubitationis materiam, ibi si dimittimus eum sic, omnes credent in eum.
1569. It was the miracles of Christ that raised their problem; so they said, what do we do, for this man does many miracles? They were blind, for they still called him a man after such a great demonstration of his divinity. As he himself said: for the works that the Father has given to me that I might perform them; the works themselves, which I do, give testimony about me, that the Father has sent me (John 5:36). In truth, they were no less foolish than the blind because they wondered what they should do, whereas there was nothing for them to do but believe: what sign do you show, that we may see and believe you? (John 6:30). See how many signs he did work! Even they said, this man does many miracles: their wickedness blinded them (Wis 2:21).
1569. Movebant autem eos ad dubitandum miracula Christi; unde dicebant quid facimus, quia hic homo multa signa facit? Caeci sunt, adhuc eum hominem vocantes, cuius tantam susceperunt divinitatis demonstrationem. Nam, ut ipse dicit supra c. V, 30: opera quae dedit mihi Pater ut faciam, ipsa testimonium perhibent de me. Sunt etiam non minus insipientes quam caeci: quia dubitant quid eos facere oporteat, cum nihil aliud eis faciendum erat, quam credere; supra VI, 30: quod signum facis, ut credamus tibi? Sed ecce quod multa signa fecit, et adhuc dicunt quia hic homo multa signa facit. Excaecavit enim eos malitia eorum: Sap. II, 21.
1570. The root of their problem was that they feared the losses that would follow. The Evangelist mentions two things about this.
1570. Materia autem dubitationis fuit, quia timebant damna eos secutura. Et ponit duo quantum ad hoc.
First, their loss of spiritual leadership. He says about this, if we let him alone so, all will believe in him. This, of course, would be the best for all concerned, because it is faith in Christ that saves and leads to eternal life: but these are written that you may believe . . . and that believing you may have life in his name (John 20:31). But in relation to their wicked intention this was terrifying to them, for they believed that no one who believed in Christ would obey them. And so, because of their ambition, they backed away from salvation and took others with themselves: but Diotrephes, who likes to put himself first, does not acknowledge my authority (3 John 1:9).
Primo amissionem principatus spiritualis; et quantum ad hoc dicit si dimittimus eum sic, omnes credent in eum: quod quidem secundum rei veritatem optabile erat omnibus, nam fides quae est ad Christum, salvat et ad vitam aeternam perducit; infra XX, v. 31: haec scripta sunt ut credatis . . . et ut credentes vitam habeatis in nomine eius. Sed quantum ad eorum pravam intentionem eis horrendum videbatur, cum crederent, nullum eorum qui crederent in Christum, eis obedire. Unde ex eorum ambitione seipsos et alios retrahunt a salute. Unde dicitur in III Canon. Io.: is quis amat primatum gerere in eis, Diotrephes, non recipit nos.
1571. Second, he mentions their ambition for temporal possessions when he says, and the Romans will come and take away our place and our nation. This seems to follow from the other, as Augustine says, for if all believed in Christ, there would be no one left to defend the temple of God against the Romans, because they would have abandoned the holy temple and the laws of their fathers, as they thought the teaching of Christ was directed against these.
1571. Secundo ponit ambitionem possessionis temporalis, cum dicit et venient Romani, et tollent nostrum locum, et gentem: quod videtur ex hoc sequi, secundum Augustinum: quia si omnes in Christum crederent, nemo remaneret qui adversus Romanos templum Dei defenderet, quia desererent sanctum templum et suas paternas leges, contra quas doctrinam Christi esse sentiebant.
But this does not really seem to have much bearing on the issue, since they would still be subject to the Romans and would not be planning to war against them.
Sed hoc non videtur multum ad propositum pertinere, cum adhuc servirent Romanis, nec excogitassent contra eos movere bellum.
Thus, it seems better to say, with Chrysostom, that they said this because they observed that Christ was being honored by the people as a king. And because the Romans had ordered that no one could be king unless they had appointed him, they were afraid that if the Romans heard that they were regarding Christ as a king, they would look upon the Jews as rebels. Then they would move against them and destroy their city and nation: for whosoever makes himself a king, speaks against Caesar (John 19:12).
Et ideo melius videtur dicendum, secundum Chrysostomum, quod ideo hoc dicebant quia videbant Christum honorari a populo tamquam rex. Et quia mandatum Romanorum erat ut nullus nisi per eos rex nominaretur, ideo timebant quod si hoc audirent Romani, quod Christum haberent tamquam regem, reputarent ipsos Iudaeos rebelles et venientes contra eos, destruerent civitatem et gentem; infra XIX, 12: omnis qui se regem facit, contradicit Caesari.